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HON. CHAUNCEY 1. DEPE¥, 



AT THE MEMOBIAL SERVICES BY THE 



Legislature of the State of New York 



IN HONOR OF 



GENERAL JAMES W. HUSTED. 



NIARCH 28, 1893. 










ADDRESS 

BT THE 

Hon. Chauncey M. Depew, 

AT THE 

IVEemorial Servicer 

BY THE 

Legislature of the State of New York, 

IN HONOR OF GENERAL JAMES W. HUSTED, 

m THE 

Assembly Chamber, at AlbanyJ^;' \ 

Tuesday Evening, March 2Sth^. 1893. •- -, . 



Senatoes and Members of Assembly : 

In the fall of 1852, I stood upon the campus at 
Yale College, a country lad, who had just entered 
the freshman class. I had neither a friend nor an 
acquaintance in New Haven, and was utterly lone- 
some and homesick. A handsome young man, with 
brilliant eyes, a mass of wavy auburn hair, flowing 



DUPLICATE, 



PO^' 



down to his shoulders, and a gay, debonair way, 
stepped briskly up to me, and with a cordial grasp, 
as if we had been life-long friends, said, "my name 
is Husted, I am a Junior, and we are both from 
Westchester County." This was the beginning of 
our attachment, which remained unbroken amid all 
the w^onderful changes and vicissitudes of the 
future, and ripened and deepened with time, until 
our relations were ended by the death of General 
Husted, forty years afterwards. The undergraduate 
was then developing the qualities which were the 
elements of his success. He was not a close student, 
but very active in the work of the literary societies. 
He was not a factor of importance in the compe- 
tition for scholastic honors, but he was a potential 
force in college politics. He cared little who was 
to be the valedictorian, but was uncommonly 
anxious to be the leader of his class. He was an 
-.Is^fefetleiit clai^ai scholar, and always kept up his 
easy familiarity wath Latin and Greek, but believed 
.l^jt^LiPc^^pej thdi;'": 

" The proper study of mankind is man." 

Like all the men who have risen to distinction 
in our country, he was compelled to w*ork from the 
start, and without other assistance, than his own 
industry and ability, make his own career. His 
remarkable power of lucid explanation made him 
an admirable teacher. The Academy which he 
taught after leaving college, to secure the means 



for prosecuting Ms law studies, never had a better 
principal, and he continued to teach until his ad- 
mission to the Bar. He leaped into the political 
arena as soon as he received his diploma, and had 
won the respect and recognition of the county- 
leaders before he began practising his profession. 
He was faithful to the trusts which he assumed 
either as teacher or lawyer, or business man, but 
his models were the statesmen of the country, and 
his ambitions and aspirations were for public life. 
It was thirty-eight years from his graduation until 
his death, and as School Commissioner, Deputy 
Superintendent of the Insurance Department, Har- 
bor Master, Deputy Captain of the Port, Emigra- 
tion Commissioner, and Member of the Legislature, 
he was for thirty-five years in responsible positions 
in our State Government. But he was also, during 
this active and busy period. Judge Advocate of 
the Seventh Brigade, Major General of the Fifth 
Division of the National Guard, and Grand Master 
of the Masonic Fraternity of the State of New York. 
He served twenty-two terms in the House of As- 
sembly, and was six times its Speaker, a record un- 
equalled, either in length of service, or in the num- 
ber of elections as Presiding Officer of the popular 
branch of the Legislature, in the history of the 
State. He grasped intuitively the conditions in his 
district, and possessed endless fertility of resource 
and audacity for attack. In the quickness of his 
movements and combinations he resembled General 



Sheridan, and the suddeness and brilliancy of his 
assault was like a cavalry charge of Murat's. While 
still a law student, he upset the calculations and 
defeated the plans of the veteran party managers, 
and by a creation and coalition as original as it 
was bold, carried the Third District of Westchester 
and elected himself School Commissioner. Rock- 
land County had always been a Democratic strong- 
hold. It was in the same Senatorial and Congress- 
ional District as Westchester, and General Husted 
had frequently canvassed it and was thoroughly 
familiar with its people. After he had served nine 
terms in the Assembly from Westchester County, 
the Republicans of Rockland invited him to come 
over and lead the forlorn hope. His quick eye 
detected a division in the apparently solid ranks of 
the enemy. He accepted the nomination in Rock- 
land for Member of Assembly, and to the surxnise 
of the State and the country, carried the county 
twice. He thus accomplished a doubly difficult 
task, first in overcoming a majority which had 
always been overwhelmingly against his party, and 
secondly in succeeding against the strong local pre- 
judices which always exist in our constituencies 
against a candidate who is not a resident of the 
district. 

It would greatly strengthen and improve onr pub- 
lic life if this custom was more elastic. No matter 
how able or useful a representative may be, no mat- 
ter how valuable to good government, or to the posi- 



tion and power of his party, his political career is 
dependent upon the accidents in the district where 
he may happen to reside. If constituencies could 
and would choose from candidates without regard 
to residence, men like Mr. Blaine or Mr. Thurman 
would always be in their proper places, leading their 
respective parties, and giving their genius for affairs 
and ripe experience to the service of their country. 
The statesman who had been beaten by a nobody 
upon some local issue could find a constituency 
devoted to national questions which, would gladly 
return him, and have pride in the fame of their 
member. 

General Husted entered the field of State politics 
at a time when an old dynasty was crumbling to 
pieces. New York has been singular in the domina- 
tion of her great parties by individuals or cliques. 
They have always been arbitrary and autocratic, and 
often tyrannical. It is said of a Parliamentary dis- 
trict in London, which will always give a larger ma- 
jority for a titled candidate than for a commoner, 
that Marylebone dearly loves a lord. So our State 
for more than half a century has shown a decided 
preference for what partisans call a leader, and the 
public a boss. Power is exercised, either in the rec- 
ognition and promotion of ability, or in a merciless 
crusade against talent and ambition, and the ruth- 
less slaughter of independent thought or action. 
In the one case the party grows in strength and op- 
portunity, and in the other it falls finally into the 



hands of a diminishing number until the hardships 
of defeat have restored its vitality and vigor. Edwin 
Crosswell and the Albany Argus had ruled the 
Democratic Party for a long time, and Thurlow 
Weed had controlled the Whig, and afterwards the 
Republican Party, for more than thirty years. 
There was little opportunity for young men in either 
organization, and revolts against the leaders were be- 
coming more frequent and formidable. The alliance 
between Seward, Weed and Greeley, w^hich had ex- 
ercised such a powerful and historical influence upon 
the affairs of both the state and nation, had been 
dissolved by the retirement of the junior member. 
Roscoe Conkling and Reuben E. Fen ton were light- 
ing the machine and denouncing machine rule and 
machine methods with a force and eloquence which 
have never been equalled. The subsequent position 
of both these exceedingly able and successful men 
on this question, is a remarkable illustration of the 
irony of political evolution. 

Young men usually find that w^here the party is 
cliqued, the only way to secure favors or recognition 
is by making the leaders fear them. But in as- 
sociations formed by such considerations there is 
neither faith nor fidelity. Thurlow Weed main- 
tained his supremacy for a generation because of 
the wisdom and liberality of his methods. The rule 
usually is to repel assistance, especially from strong 
men, because of jealousy, and also on the principle, 
that the more numerous the victors the more minute 



is the division of the spoils. Mr. Weed, for the 
greater part of his long reign, was constantly re- 
cruiting his forces. When a young man displayed 
conspicuous ability, either in the Legislature, or 
State Convention, or upon the platform, his ac- 
quaintance was sought and his friendship gained. 
This constant replacement of losses, and strength- 
ening of his organization with fresh and vigorous 
members, made him invincible for a generation. 
Horace Greeley was unequalled as a partisan editor, 
but he could not contest the leadership with Thur- 
low Weed. He was a great thinker and writer, but 
the weakest, and most uncertain of political cap- 
tains. He was so vacillating in his movements, and 
so credulous in his judgment of men, that his selec- 
tion of lieutenants was often unfortunate, and some- 
times whimsical. In the last years of Mr. Weed's 
active control of the party, he changed his jDolicy. 
The able men who had acted with, and under him 
so long, fearing the vigorous youth, who were forg- 
ing to the front, aroused his distrust of these push- 
ing ambitions. The result was first revolt, 'and then 
revolution within the party, and next its defeat in 
the State. 

Independence of thought and action have unre- 
strained opportunity when a party is in the 
minority. Rewards and punishments are no 
longer factors in caucusses or conventions, and 
influence is proportioned to merit. It was some 
years after the fall of Thurlow Weed, before the 



party found a new leader. During this period, a 
number of young men, of brilliant ability and 
great promise, came prominently before the public. 
Many of them disappeared afterwards, either los- 
ing their constituencies, or being crushed out by 
some one of the subsequent machines. General 
Husted was one of the few, out of the many pro- 
ducts of the period of party liberty, who survived 
all the accidents of warring and changing factions. 
He was more frequently in opposition to, than in 
accord with, the machine. As one was broken and 
another constructed, he would still find himself 
antagonized by it. He had views and would ex- 
press them, and he wanted reasons before he would 
obey orders. These qualities made him objection- 
able to the leaders as they severally came into 
power. They repeatedly thwarted his ambitions 
for State office, and for Federal appointments, but 
were able only once to dislodge him in his district. 
They tried to beat him by third candidates, they 
endeavored to defeat his nominations by cajDturing 
his friends with places in the Custom House and 
the Post Office, and on several occasions, i)refer- 
ring a Democrat to a Republican they could not 
absolutely control, they furnished secret but sub- 
stantial support to his opponent. But nothing 
could shake his hold upon his people. They knew 
him, and he knew them. 

He saw the power of Thurlow Weed pass away, 
he held his own during the brief sway of Horace 



9 

Greeley, lie kept liis position under the rule of 
Reuben E. Fenton, and the mastery of Roscoe 
Conkling, and notwithstanding all the kaleido- 
scopic changes following the retirement of Senator 
Conkling, he died as he had lived for twenty-two 
years, still Member of Assembly for the Third Dis- 
trict oi" VTcbLcliester. Greneral Husted's tact, tal- 
ents, and unselfish desire to be useful, made him 
the selected friend in the House of Assembly of 
every Governor of the State, no matter what the 
politics of the Executive. Hoffman, Dix, Tilden, 
Robinson, Cornell, Cleveland, Hill, and Flower, 
were successively the Chief Magistrates of the 
Commonwealth during General Husted's service 
in the Legislature, and with each of them his 
relations were close and cordial. He was above 
small partisanship and cheap politics. He be- 
lieved the Governor of the State of ;N"ew York 
occupied a large place, and that the Legislature 
should do all in its power to enable him to sustain 
its dignity. On strictly party measures, he would 
always act with his party. But a Governor can 
be annoyed or assisted in numberless ways, which 
affect only his personal comfort and legitimate 
powers. In such cases, if the Republicans were 
in the majority in the Legislature, Husted was the 
Governor's most efficient friend, and if the Demo- 
crats were in power, he was still the most import- 
ant factor in the Capitol. Those who wanted to get 
revenge because some bill had been vetoed, or an 



10 

appointmeDt to office had not been made, and those 
who thought it good politics to cramp the con- 
veniences of help, or material for the Executive 
Chamber, or the Executive Mansion, found in the 
General an alert, able and generally successful 
enemy. Governor Tilden's fame and career de- 
pended upon his carrying through the Assembly, 
vs^hile he was a member, his resolution for the im- 
peachment of the ring judges. And yet he would 
have failed, except for the assistance and consum- 
mate parliamentary skill of the member from 
Westchester. Mr. Tilden never forgot this service, 
and tried in after years in many ways to show his 
appreciation and gratitude. He thought that 
Husted,from his associations and intimacies, would 
join the Greeley movement, which might peril his 
political future, and at great inconvenience and 
trouble, he conveyed early information to the 
General of the Republican victory in North Caro- 
lina, which virtually decided the contest against 
the editor of the Tribune. 

Our departed friend saw, as no other public man 
has been permitted to observe, the triumphs and 
defeats, the hopes and disappointments, the joys and 
sojTows, the realities and the romance of political 
careers. Every conspicuous figure in either party 
during the past quarter of a century has been his 
associate and his friend. I have referred to his rela- 
tions with the men who received the honors, and at 
times controlled the organization of the Republican 



11 

party in our state. But he v/as witli Tilden when 
that statesmen was hovering between fame and obli- 
vion, and enjoyed his familiar intimacy and confi- 
dence during his gubernatorial term. As a veteran 
leader in the Assembly, he witnessed the meteoric 
advent of Mr. Cleveland in Albany, and divined 
the power which has developed such phenomenal 
strength in the state and in the country. He was 
serving his fourth term in the Legislature, when a 
member from Chemung, then scarcely known be- 
yond the boundaries of his county, began a career 
which has harvested the Lieutenant-Governorship 
and Chief Magistracy of our State, and United 
States Senator, and made David B. Hill a potent 
force in the counsels of his party. Speakers of the 
Assembly George B. Sloan and George H. Sharpe, 
Titus Sheard and George Z. Erwin, Fremont Cole 
and William F. Sheehan, Robert P. Bush and Will- 
iam Sulzer, were not only his associates, but they 
were his pupils and prize winners in parliamentary 
law. 

There is no talent more common than the ability 
to speak, and none more rare than the gift of speak- 
ing so as to command the attention and substantial 
assent of the audience. The ordinary talker in a 
deliberative body kills time and murders patience, 
irritates the indifferent and tires his friends- Real 
debating power is a gift, as brilliant as it is useful. 
It does not consist in elaborate effort, in the length 
of the speech, in superiority of logic, grace of die- 



12 

tion, or rhetorical finish. Any or all of these may 
prove a detriment, though, with the master, they 
are tools to be used, or not, as the occasion may re- 
quire. Many a massive structure, which the orator 
has si3ent hours in erecting, has been demolished, 
and has buried its author under its ruins, by the 
dynamite of a ten minutes speech. Legislatures 
fear bores and resent pedagogues. They love good 
fighters and hard hitters. Like veteran troops, they 
do not want to be instructed, but to be led. They 
may sleep through a ponderous oration of Charles 
Sumner, and rise with delight to greet an incisive 
sarcasm of Thaddeus Stevens. There are occasions 
when a labored effort is necessary to outline or de- 
fend a policy, or to appeal to the party or the coun- 
try. But in the exigencies of daily discussion, it 
is the crisp, lucid and direct debater who carries, 
or defeats measures. The skillful parliamentarian 
knows instinctively the temper of the House. His 
greatest triumphs are in humoring its moods. No 
member was ever more complete master of this art 
than General Husted. No member ever passed or 
defeated so many bills. His speeches were rarely a 
half an hour in length, and most of them not over 
ten minutes. He captured the attention of the 
Assembly with his first sentence, and had its ap- 
proval before he closed. He was not speaking for 
posterity, but to carry his point. The debate would 
drag wearily on. The impatient House would have 
listened to the dry statistician, and the dreary logi- 



13 

cian, to the spread eagle orator careering among the 
constellations, colliding with the planets and strew- 
ing the floor with star dust, and to the exhaustive 
and exhausting essayist with whom all arguments 
are alike important, and the quantity of whose mat- 
ter obscures its quality. Suddenly, a ringing voice, 
shouting *'Mr. Speaker," would rouse everyone, 
like an electric shock. The flashing eyes of the Bald 
Eagle of Westchester would cast a sweeping glance 
about the Chamber, and arrest universal attention. 
The weak positions taken by his enemy would be 
quickly turned, the reasons for his side as quickly 
and succinctly stated, a burst of humor would give 
the laugh of friends and enemies alike, to one ad- 
versary, and a biting sarcasm to the delight of the 
audience, pierce another, and the tired and impa- 
tient House, hailing him as their deliverer, would 
follow his lead. 

He was the friend and protector of young mem- 
bers. Few positions are more difficult and embar- 
rassing than those of a new member, whose consti- 
tuency have elected him to pass certain measures. 
He is ignorant alike of the rules of the Assembly, 
and of Jefferson's Manual. He soon finds himself 
lost in a labyrinth from which he can neither ex- 
tricate himself or his bills. He is in despair be- 
tween his impotency at the Capitol, and his waning 
prestige and popularity at home. His colleagues, 
as a rule, are too much absorbed in their own mat- 
ters to heed or care for his. The veteran membor 



14 

from Westchester was ever watchful for such signs 
of distress. Even while the House was smiling at 
the bungling efforts of the proposer of the bill, or 
derisively laughing at his mistakes, a masterhand 
would take hold of the measure, and its easy and 
uninterrupted movement would seem inspired by 
the wand of a magician. 

The hostility of his party leaders would often 
consign him to minor places on the committees, 
and the rear rank among his associates, and yet 
before the session was half over, his unequalled 
talent on the floor, and the devoted following of 
new members wliom he had assisted or rescued, 
would put him in his proper place, and make the 
leaders, temporarily at least, his suppliants. He 
was so fair a political opponent, and always so ready 
to cheerfully help members of the other party on 
matters which were not partisan, that they were 
only too glad to reciprocate when occasion offered. 
This assistance was of great service to him in several 
crises of bis career. There were times when it 
might have been good politics for the Democrats 
to have joined with the organization of his own 
party to crush the General out. But they never 
did. Wlien the question related solely to his per- 
sonal fortunes, and his position in the House, they 
did what he asked, and often followed his lead in 
those sudden and audacious assaults upon his ad- 
versaries whicli totally routed them, and scored for 
him a significant individual victory. 



15 

And yet this dashing fighter, this fierce cavalier, 
this most reckless and daring of combatants, was 
incapable of harboring or retaining an enmity. He 
never knew the feeling, which is the luxury of some 
natures, of hate. If he had not been so buoyant, 
supremely hopeful, and sincere, he might justly 
have been charged with regarding politics as a 
game, with the gambler's admiration for the winner, 
and sympathy for the loser. He was a thorough 
partisan, and during all his life did yeoman's service 
for his party. He could not understand why dif- 
ferences of political faith, or policy, should lead to 
personal enmities. The most childish, and the 
most frequent exhibition of spleen among politi- 
cians, is that of the man in your own, or the oppo- 
sition party with whom you have a disagreement 
growing out of purely political afl:'airs, who there- 
after withdraws from you the honor of his recog- 
nition or acquaintance. It shows both the vulnerable 
places in that statesman's armor, and an apprecia- 
tion by himself of his nod, absurdly disproportionate 
to its value. It is a practice, which so grows by 
indulgence, that its proud possessor is sometimes 
himself in doubt whether the person he meets may 
not be on his list of the excommunicated, and 
groping helplessly in the Cimmerian darkness which 
envelops all those whose atmosphere is not illu- 
mined by his approving smile. It was never neces- 
sary for General Husted to consult a memorand um 
book before he spoke to a man. He cordially greeted 



16 

everybody, and that one the most warmly with 
whom he had the last battle. If he was worsted, 
he was the lirst to compliment his adversary upon 
his victory, and if he was himself the victor, he 
doubly disarmed his enemy by the generosity of his 
treatment. He loved to gather about his hospitable 
table his legislative, or party opponents, and dis- 
cuss the fields they had fought, the feints, the 
assaults, the retreats, the false movements, the mis- 
taken manoeuvres, and recount with hilarious glee, 
the unexpected stroke which had turned the flank 
of the enemy, and won the day. 

Those who have never been in public life, or 
active in politics, know nothing of their exquisite 
pleasures, and keen disappointments. It is the 
compensations of a career which make life worth 
the living. If it was all joy, or all sorrow, there 
would be nothing in it. The politician is always 
either in paradise or purgatory, and he is ever 
struggling to stay in the one sphere, or to get out 
of the other. The intensity and strain, the uncer- 
tainties and accidents of politics make possible the 
warmest attachments among iioliticians. This is 
specially true between those of opposite faith. 
They fight only on broad lines, and are free from 
the irritations of faction feuds. They generously 
appreciate the good qualities and abilities, each of 
the other, and are bound together in bonds of closest 
friendship. General Hasted was peculiarly feli- 
citous in making, and happy in retaining these 



17 

relations. His most ardent admirers, and steadfast 
friends were to be found among the leaders of the 
opposition. It was the chivalrous spirit and actions 
of the man which, won the applause and affections 
of his political foes. There were few deeper or 
more sincere mourners at his funeral than those 
whom lie had conquered, or been defeated by, on 
many a fair field, and in many a fair fight. 

The legislature, and its popular Assembly, con- 
centrate the attention of the people much more 
than the executive or the judicial branches of free 
government. The representatives are in closer re- 
lations with the constituencies. It is from the lower 
house, as a rule, that the highest honors are at- 
tained. Five of General Husted's colleagues have 
been Governors, two of them United States Sena- 
tors, three Lieutenant Governors, eighteen State 
officers, fourteen have been members of Congress, 
twelve have been elevated to the Bench, and many 
have served with distinction in important positions 
under the Federal Government. There is a pecu- 
liar fascination about the three chief positions in a 
deliberative body. The speaker, the leader of the 
House, and the leader of the opposition, are the 
great men of the hour, and have rare opportunities 
for permanent fame. The very few whose names 
we can recall in our century of Congressional life, 
who have attained distinction in any of these posi- 
tions, indicate how rare is parliamentary ability of 
the first order ; and the limited number who were 



18 

eminent in all three Departments, illustrate the 
genius required to fill them. A successful leader 
of the House may prove a poor general for the op- 
position, and be a total failure as a Speaker. We 
have, as yet, produced but two statesmen who were 
conspicuously great, and unequalled both on the 
floor, and as presiding officers, Henry Clay and 
James G. Blaine. The judicial impartiality of the 
Chair, and the blind partisanship of the floor, re- 
quire experience, and qualities so distinct, and 
antagonistic, that their jDossession rarely appears 
more than once in a generation. There have been 
some, but not many, who excelled General Husted 
as a leader of the House, and some, but not many 
who surpassed him as a leader of the opposition, 
but not even Clay or Blaine were his superiors as a 
Presiding Officer. The celerity with which he 
would unravel a tangle of cumulative, and contra- 
dictory motions and amendments, the certainty of 
his positions, the clearness and directness of his 
decisions, and the ability with which he brought 
order out of chaos, and quieted the most disorderly 
and tumultuous assemblage, were strokes of genius. 
He never made a mistake which he could not cor- 
rect, and never a misstep from which he could not 
instantly land on firmer ground. 

It well repaid a visit to the Capitol to see 
Speaker Husted fireside. The gratification of wit- 
nessing an important thing done perfectly, is 
almost as great as to do it oneself. The artistic 



19 

instinct is universal, and all enjoy the work of a 
master artist. Some member would be occupying 
the chair temporarily. The House would be in con- 
fusion, and many members shouting at the same 
time for recognition would stop business. Angry 
altercations would be going on in the aisles, and in 
front of the desk. The chairman would pound 
with his gavel, and threaten to hand the more ob- 
streperous members into the custody of the Ser- 
geant-at-Arms, only to be either unnoticed or 
laughed at. Suddenly would sound through the 
Chamber a sharp rap, succeeded by another and 
more emphatic one. Silence would instantly fol- 
low. The Speaker would peremptorily order that 
members take their seats, then instantly utilizing 
the breathless silence, he would either end the 
wrangle by a decision which no one dared question, 
or recognize the member whom he knew could 
hold the floor, or direct the Clerk to proceed with 
the regular order. The transformation, from riot 
to business, was because the leader had resumed 
the chair, and the House bowed submissive to its 
master. No one but he, at least at Albany, has 
ever been able to make the gavel talk. He won his 
greatest triumiDhs in the closing days of the 
session. This is always a critical period for the 
Speaker, and a time full of peril to the State, and 
the reputation of the Legislature. Party bills have 
been kept behind to avoid the scrutiny of the 
opposition, and bad bills held in reserve, in the 



20 

hope of passing them during the confusion of the 
last hours. The lobby is alert and audacious, and 
the speculators in legislation both inside and out- 
side the Legislature, are exhausting the resources 
of cunning, and testing the elasticity of the 
rules to pass their bills, their resolutions and 
their schemes. It is the work of the week 
of adjournment which has at times done incalcula- 
ble injury to the Commonwealth, and rendered 
some sessions infamous. Here is the Speaker's op- 
portunity and his danger. He will either guide the 
House, or the House will ride rough shod over 
him. General Husted was thoroughl}'- familiar 
with the history and needs of the State. He 
made himself acquainted with the bills which 
were pending, both in Senate and Assembly. He 
knew the inside of all the conspiracies and com- 
binations, and through the veneer of alleged pub- 
lic interests saw the strike, and behind the mask 
of a fraudulent reformer, the striker. Business 
would proceed with the rapidity of lightning, and 
the dazed members be either frantic, or paralyzed in 
the whirl of motions, speeches, reports and roll 
calls. There was in that maddened throng one 
cool, supreme, controlling mind. With a skill, 
which was like necromancy, and a daring which 
silenced dissent, he sifted the mass pouring from 
the hopper of committees, and sub-committees, 
and dropped the bad out of its order, and sent the 
good through. 



21 

From 1869, when General Husted was first elected 
to the Legislature, and including 1892 when he 
died, has been a most eventful period in the his- 
tory of the Nation, and of our State. It runs from 
Grant's first, to Cleveland's second election, and 
from Hoffman to Flower. It is fruitful of popular 
revulsions, and revivals of prosperity. It is rich 
in materials for the historian, the political econ- 
omist, and the political philosopher. It has been 
singularly full of, and remarkably fatal lo great 
men, and powerful organizations. The re-election 
of General Grant, and the tragedy which clouded 
the mighty brain, and ended the eventful life of 
Horace Greeley ; the threatening clouds of revolu- 
tion which hovered over the claims of Samuel J. 
Tilden, and their dispersion by the inauguration 
of Rutherford B. Hayes ; the political revolution 
against the organization which ended in the nomi- 
nation of Garfield, and the loss of its fruits by his 
assassination ; the dynamic and romantic events 
which made Cleveland President, and the receding 
tide which carried Harrison into the White House, 
and the electoral results which after thirty-two 
years, have changed the politics and policy of the 
National Government by Mr. Cleveland's second 
election, with the Senate and House of Representa- 
tives behind him ; these, and the great financial and 
industrial measures which have had such potent 
influence upon the welfare of our country, are the 
national milestones of these wonderful years. 



22 

The rapid rise and rough destruction of the 
forces which made Hoffman Governor ; the patri- 
otic combination which gave a hundred thousand 
majority to General Dix ; the rising tide against 
corruption in the State and City of New York, 
which carried Tilden to the Executive chair ; the 
easy succession of Lucius Robinson, and the 
reclamation of the State by Alonzo B. Cornell ; 
the protest against federal and machine dictation 
which gave Cleveland nearly two hundred thou- 
sand majority, and the more recent contests which 
ended in the elections of Hill and Flower; and 
the struggles and their issues which are fruitful 
of bitter controversy for a generation to come, 
form the most varied, eventful and interesting 
chapter in the history of our Commonwealth. 

It will ever remain the unique distinction of 
General Husted that, though subject to the ordeal 
of an annual election, he held place and power 
during this 

" Wreck of matter and crush of worlds." 

As a Legislator, he favored all i)olitical, moral 
and social reforms. On such questions he rose 
above party considerations. He fearlessly advo- 
cated the suffrage for women. He was the most 
efficient friend of the Union Soldier. His best 
efforts, and most effective speeches, were for high 
license, or other wise regulations of the liquor 
traffic, for the protection of the American Sunday, 



23 

for religious toleration in legislation, and for better 
and more humane care of the afflicted and unfor- 
tunate who are the wards of the State. 

Through all his varied career he cared nothing for 
yesterday, did his best for to-day, and was confident 
of to-morrow. The rainbow of hope always spanned 
his sky. The elasticity of his temperament was the 
marvel of those who were intimate with him. He 
knew defeat, but had no comprehension of despair. 
He saw in misfortunes which others regarded as 
calamities, a providential interposition that he might 
reap richer rewards in some other direction. Faith, 
hope and charity were the mainsprings of his 
thoughts and actions. He set a very high value 
upon political honors, and had a low estimate of 
wealth. Conversations which are so frequent in all 
circles and at most gatherings, concerning schemes 
for making fortunes, or the fabulous success of 
lucky individuals, would neither interest nor detain 
him ; but he would travel a thousand miles on an 
hour's notice to perform a public duty, or attend an 
important meeting of political leaders. He knew 
little about Wall street or the combinations which, 
if successful, accumulate sudden wealth ; but he 
loved to talk with farmers about their affairs, and 
with workingmen about their interests. If some 
omnipotent power had offered him the choice be- 
tween being the richest man in the world or Gover- 
nor of the State of New York— with the certainty 
of having a narrow income for the rest of his life 



24 

after retiring from office — he would unhesitatingly 
have chosen tlie governorship. He believed in 
himself and his surroundings. He felt that others 
had environments covered by the same general no- 
menclature, but that no one ever lived who pos- 
sessed so gifted and good a wife, such dutiful and 
promising children, such worthy and devoted 
friends, and moved amidst such happy and satis- 
factory conditions. He never did an injury to any 
man, but he helped hundreds to positions of 
profit and trust. Fully one-quarter of his time 
was devoted to assisting the young or the unfor- 
tunate, and his name is heard in the grateful 
prayers of numberless households. 

Patriotic public servant and useful citizen, faith- 
ful friend and charming companion, the State 
which honored him, and which he honored, has 
enrolled him on the list of her distinguished sons, 
and we, the Governor, the State officers, the mem- 
bers of Senate and Assembly, and people in pri- 
vate station, who knew and loved him, will ever 
cherish his memory, feeling that our lives are 
better and brighter because he entered into them. 
Dear old friend, hail and farewell ! 



LE N'lO 



EDWIN C. LOCKWOOO, 

STEAM PRINTER, 

NO. B9 PINE STREET, 

NEW YORK. 



